Monday, June 3, 2013

Protests in Turkey

Hello Everyone:

After a few days of both me and my trusty laptop being a bit under the weather, we're back.  This time it's to bring the current news.  I actually had a different blog post planned for today but current events in Turkey trumped that.  If you've been following the news over the last few days, you might've read about protests in Istanbul, Turkey over the proposed demolition of Gezi Park in Taksim Square and the rebuilding of the old Ottoman military barracks for the purpose of turning it into a mall or museum.  Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's government intends to turn the site into a museum or mall. (http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/jun03/taksim-square-istanbul-turkey-protest)
Yet, as the story is developing by, almost literally, the second, it's become apparent that it's more about the Erdogan regime then just saving a historic monument.  The protests began as a peaceful sit-in to save one of the last remaining public parks in the city and has blossomed into a a very loud, very violent movement.  As a preservationist by training, I've heard of people resorting to civil disobedience, such as the ubiquitous chaining oneself to a building in front of the wrecking ball, to save local monuments but nothing quite like this.  So what is this really all about?

Let's start with a brief history of the square to put things in proper context.  Taksim Square is located in the European part of Istanbul and is a major tourist and leisure attraction.  It is considered the heart of the city and it's the site of the central station of the Istanbul Metro network.  The Square is also the place where the "Monument of the Republic," crafted by Pietro Canonica in 1928 to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the founding of the republic, is found.  The name Taksim is Arabic for "division" or "distribution" and a reference to the point where the main water lines from northern Istanbul were collected and branched off to parts of the city.  The square takes its name from the Ottoman period stone reservoir which is located in the area.  Further, "Taksim" can imply to a specific improvisational form found in Turkish classical music, guided by the Makam system.  The Taksim Artillery Barracks (later Taksim Stadium), built in the nineteenth century once stood in the Square.  This was razed in 1940 during the construction of Taksim Gezi Park.  Currently, the Ataturk Cultural Center, a multi-purpose cultural center is located in the Square and it is a gathering point for national celebrations and social events.

Gezi Park is Istanbul lone green space.  The city municipality began demolition of the park this year in order to add further retail space.  This prompted thousands of citizens to rally in an Occupy Taksim movement to demolition of the park.  The crux of the argument is that the decision to raze the park was made to quickly without a chance for public and media debate.  Those who preferred a public garden felt that their voices weren't being heard  by those in power.  Some of these individuals began an Occupy Gezi Park movement with the hashtag #occupygezi.  Twitter is becoming the outlet for protest and solidarity.  This last fact has vexed the Prime Minister so much that he has lashed out at the social media site shrilly calling it a menace.  The protestors come from the broad spectrum of ideological backgrounds, including those who voted for Mr. Erdogan in the last election.  Rather than engage the protestors in peaceful and meaningful dialog, the local police have opted to use force.  The protestors' tents were raided and set afire. The police used pepper spray, tear gas, and pressurized water on unarmed youths sparking further reaction and creating further backlash against the government opening up old resentments.  The protests have spread to the countries other provinces such as Ankara.  What are the underlying issues of the current wave of protests?

There are three foundational problems that have led to the escalation of tension.  The first is the lack of a solid and sophisticated opposition party.  Second, as the main opposition party, the Republican People's Party (CHP) faded, the Justice and Development Party (AKP)-led government has gained too much power and authority.  Finally, even though Mr. Erdogan's government has been effective in limiting the role of the military to strictly military matters, yet in the process of contributing to the progress of democracy, it has not done a sufficient job in protecting freedom of speech and expression.  There is temptation to see this as another Tahrir Square but, as James Dorsey a Senior fellow S. Rajartnam School of International Studies, points out in a blog  today for the Huffington Post, the comparisons are not quite there.  Mr. Dorsey points out that the similarities are superficial and are outpaced by the differences.  The similarities are calls for the elected leader to leave office, violent police crackdown, and partial government back down.  This is where the similarities end. (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/james-dorsey/taksim-turkey-protests_b_3373997.html)

The differences are greater.  Unlike the protests that toppled the North African leaders, the protests in Turkey are against a democratically elected leader who has won three elections by a respectable majority, presided over a period of significant economic growth, and repositioned his country as a regional power.  Further, in contrast to Libya, Egypt, and Tunisia, despite all of its flaws Turkey is a relatively civil society.  The protests occurred during the week that Istanbul celebrated its capture by the Ottomans 560 years ago (really? celebrating a city's capture?).  Their effect has been to send Mr. Erdogan a very clear message that the people in the park are discontented with the prime minister's authoritarian rule, its support of Sunni Muslims rebels in Syria, and increasing control of the media in an attempt to stifle independent reporting and commentary.  On the second point, I would speculate that the support of the anti-Assad forces is part of a larger military, political, and economic strategy.  Yet, the protests can be viewed as a warning to Mr. Erdogan and his government that the continued authoritarian streak could turn Taksim in Tahrir.  Yet the questions remain as to how the Erdogan government can prevent a "Turkish Spring."

The first issue is the response to the protesters.  Mr. Erdogan has warned that he can put 100 people for every one protester.  Overkill to say the least.  For most of the week, the protests have gone underreported in much of the media in Turkey, which is no big surprise since Turkey is ranked high on the list of media-unfriendly countries.  In May, the government strengthened its grip on the media by seizing control of the financially troubled Cukurova holding television stations and Digiturk pay-TV.  On the third point, the explosion of discontent has permitted secularist aligned with the CHP to turn the issue into a protest over the alleged Islamization of the country.  The Secularists point to the ban on alcohol sale and the naming of a third, controversial Istanbul bridge which spans the Bosporus Yavuz Sultan Selim or Selim the Grim Bridge in honor of the Ottoman sultan widely blamed for the massacre of Alevis in the sixteenth century.  O.K. It's a little like the United Kingdom renaming the London Bridge "Bloody Mary Bridge."  Finally, on the second point which dovetails from the third point, Alevis accounts for an estimated twenty percent of the population.  Although distinct from Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's Alawite Muslims, the Alevis community view the Erdogan government's support of the Sunni Muslim rebels as further indication of the disregard for their concerns and have used the protests as a forum to voice their opposition.  Again, I would speculate that Mr. Erdogan's support of the rebels is part of a greater regionally and globally orientated strategy.

Prime Minister Erdogan has ordered the Interior Ministry to investigate the crackdown on Taksim Square.  This investigation will hopefully shed some light on whether or not the crackdown was a reflection of a split between the prime minister and Fethullalh Gulen, who is opposed to unrestricted Turkish support of the Syrian rebel.  Mr. Gulen is currently living in exile in the state of Pennsylvania and is widely believed to have great influence within the Turkish police force.  The two have previously clashed in the past year over measures to prevent soccer match-fixing.  Mr. Erdogan defeated the cleric's efforts to impose harsh penalties which would've weakened the prime minister's grip and potentially strengthened the cleric's grip on the Fenerbahce FC with a fan base of millions.

Thus, it would seem that there's more to the story than merely saving a park.  It's fascinating to see how people can rally around one cause then use it as a forum for wider grievances.  Time will tell if the protests become a greater movement or peter out.  I'll be coming back to this.



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